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Yoonjung Kang Yoonjung Kang is an associate professor of linguistics in the Centre for French and Linguistics and holds a graduate appointment in the Department of Linguistics. Ruoyun Bai Ruoyun Bai is a leading scholar in Chinese television studies. Kyoungrok Ko Kyoungrok Ko Ph. George St. Contact: T kyoungrok. Contact: T sd. Deepali Dewan Deepali Dewan is an art historian with a special interest in the visual cultures of South Asia.

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Location: Room B, Military Trail. Location: Spadina Avenue. Location: Room , Bloor Street West. Location: Room , 33 Willcocks Street. Aparna Sundar Sessional Lecturer, Dr. Yiching Wu Director, Dr. Location: Room , 40 Willcocks Street. Location: , Max Gluskin House St. Join the Network. You can follow us Twitter Facebook. One prominent definition of hegemony is the neo-Gramscian idea of hegemony being based on consent, meaning the acceptance of the ideas of the hegemon by leading social forces within a given State. A hegemon is a country that is so powerful that it dominates all the other states.

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In other words, no other state has the military wherewithal to put up a serious fight against it. In essence, a hegemon is the only great power in the system. According to the theory of offensive realism, it is natural for a great power like China to seek regional hegemony, a position that the United States currently holds in the Western Hemisphere. However, offensive realists argue that regional hegemony is the only sure way of maintaining survival.

Therefore, state actors should be on a constant look out for opportune moments to maximise their power. For over two thousand years China and the Sinic civilization were the dominant political and cultural force within East Asia. These missions carried with them expensive gifts and included elaborate procedures of subservience to the Emperor, which had to be conducted by foreign ambassadors in order for trade relations to commence.

China, by virtue of its overwhelming power and resources, developed a set of rules and institutions to govern interactions between itself and other political actors. China conducted foreign relations on its own terms. Nonetheless, in areas where they were at military disadvantage, as for example against the nomadic tribes to their north, who had an excellent tactical knowledge of cavalry warfare, conflict was not avoided because the nomads refused to accept Chinese superiority.

The strong feelings that the Japanese occupation still brings to the fore in China, was demonstrated by the anti-Japanese rioting in This took place after Tokyo introduced a school textbook that whitewashed Japanese war crimes committed in China. As it gains more power, as well as global interests, it is likely to want to dominate its own region in order to ensure its own security, beginning by attempting to settle territorial disputes on terms of its own choosing.

Sino-Japanese relations, as previously mentioned, have been the most bitter and contentious for various historical reasons.

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As early as , China was officially listed as a security threat by the Japanese government. Energy Information Agency, to over billion barrels by the Chinese government. In the South China Sea, though, against the much weaker Philippines and the non-aligned Vietnam, China has been willing to push the narrative of its own self-declared historical primacy in the region. The Scarborough Shoal stand-off is a case-in-point.

Soon after though, two Chinese surveillance ships appeared at the scene and prevented the arrest of the fishermen. The Philippines tried to defuse the situation by replacing their ship with a smaller coast guard vessel, but instead of responding in kind the Chinese deployed a heavily armed patrol boat. Any Vietnamese ships that attempted to enter the vicinity were rammed, or attacked with high-pressure water cannons. Almost a watershed moment in the last 40 years of U.

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S-Sino relations was the Taiwan Straits crisis in Beijing attempted to intimidate the Taiwanese electorate away from voting for a pro-independence political party by conducting a series of military exercises across the Straits. In response, Washington deployed two aircraft carriers to the area, which led to the Chinese backing down. Since the mids, China has undertaken a well-funded program of military modernization. It is an attempt to counter potential American force projection inside the disputed waters of the first island chain. Many nationalist academics now acknowledge that China committed a historic mistake by ignoring the oceans, and that the lack of preparation for naval warfare ultimately led to the humiliations of the nineteenth century.

The Chinese military is building up the capability to deter American operations within East Asia. It could cause a high attrition rate for U. China, in terms of military technology, is still many years behind the Americans and still relies on Russia for most of its high end military equipment, including engines for its fighter aircraft.

Although economic warfare would probably work better against present-day globally integrated China than it did in the Cold War against the autarkic Soviet Union, it might, as Robert J Art notes:. There are now both common and conflicting interests between the anti-globalisation social movements and Asian countries.

Asian exporters of agricultural products note, for example, that among the demonstrators are those criticising the WTO's efforts to reduce European and US agricultural protection that blocks exports from Asia-Pacific countries. Most publicity, however, goes to the demonstrations because of the effective public relations tactics of some NGOs and the violent activities of 'recreational' demonstrators. As the second quotation in the heading to this paper suggests, activists now use the characteristics of globalisationcheaper air travel, the Internet and global telecommunicationsto make possible the vastly increased participation in global networks.